George A. Codding, Jr., Governing the Commune of Veyrier: Politics in Swiss Local Government, 1967.
Chapter Three
The PoliticsIn many respects the political party system in Veyrier is a microcosm of that found in the canton of Geneva and even of that in the nation as a whole. It has a multi-party basis; most of the parties have an ideological foundation; the campaign work of the parties is effective but highly restrained in nature; and, as a general rule, those who are active in politics take their role seriously and are respected for it by their fellow citizens. The system seems to work well and there have been no serious attempts to change it.
As would be expected, however, there are differences based on the special needs of the community and the smaller size of the area. These differences are mainly reflected in the placing of a lesser emphasis on party ideology and the adjusting of party platforms to stress local problems.
Evolution of the Party System On the national level, the history of party politics divides itself into two major segments, the period from the creation of the Swiss federation in 1848 to the introduction of proportional representation in 1919, and from 1919 to the present. The constitution of 1848, creating the Swiss federal system, was the result of the combined efforts of two parties, the Liberals and the Radicals. The Liberals had been largely responsible for the triumph of individual and political liberties in many cantons during the 1830's. The Radical Party, the liberal wing of the Liberal Party, had broken off in 1832 and was organized to do for the Swiss nation what the Liberals had done for the cantons. Starting in 1848, the strength of the Radicals grew and the Liberal strength faded. The revision of the constitution of 1874, for instance, was almost entirely the work of the predominant Radical Party.
The Radical Party continued to play the dominant role in Swiss life up to the decision in 1919 to introduce proportional representation in federal elections despite the rise of other opposition parties. The first such party, the Catholic Conservative Party, elected 35 of 146 representatives in the lower house of the Swiss legislature in 1890, and the next year a Catholic replaced the lone Liberal on the Federal Council. The Socialist Party made its first appearance on a nation-wide basis in 1890 when six Socialists were elected to the lower house of the Swiss legislature. The control of the Radicals continued until 1919. In 1917, for example, the Radicals had a majority of 108 out of 189 members of the National Council.
That the multi-member district, simple majority system with second ballot did not permit a true picture of the political preferences to evolve became evident with the results of the first election under the new list system of proportional representation in 1919. The Radical Party was hard hit, losing 45 of its 108 seats in the National Council. The Socialist Party was the biggest gainer, jumping from 18 to 44 seats. The Catholic Party picked up two seats, bringing its effectiveness up to 41, and the old Liberal Party had only nine. The Farmers, Artisans, and Citizens Party, a new party dedicated to the welfare of the Swiss farmers and made up of former members of the Radical Party, captured 25 seats.
The strength of political parties on a national basis, as evidenced by elections to the Federal National Council, has remained fairly constant since 1919. The three major parties, the Radicals, Catholics, and Socialists, have continued to capture the major portion of the seats, followed not too closely by the Peasants Party. In 1963, for instance, out of 200 seats, the Catholics had 48, the Radicals 51, the Socialists 53, the Peasants 22, the Liberals 6, the Communists 4, and others made up 16.1
The evolution of party politics at the cantonal level has tended to follow the same general pattern as at the national level with a few important differences. In the first place the hold of the Radical Party was challenged earlier, largely because of the introduction of a system of proportional representation for the election of the cantonal legislature in 1892. The Independent Party, which later became the Independent
'The true power of the various parties is still not reflected in the upper house of the Swiss legislature because of the indirect method of election in some cantons which tends to perpetuate the hold of the older parties. In 1963, for instance, out of 44 seats in this body the Catholics held 18, the Radicals 13, and the Socialists only 3. The Peasants had 4 seats, the Liberals 3, and others the remaining 3.
Christian Social Party (Catholic), dates from that period. The hold of the Radicals on cantonal politics was not really broken, however, until about the time that it was broken at the national level.
Secondly, the parties of the left have had a greater role to play in Geneva cantonal politics, despite sometimes quite determined opposition, than they have at the national level. Between 1919 and the Great Depression, Geneva followed the national pattern with power divided fairly evenly among the Radicals, Catholics and Socialists, with a slight edge in favor of the Radicals, and a fairly strong Liberal Party. Geneva was hard hit by the depression and the Geneva Socialist Party, under an aggressive leadership, increased its membership by leaps and bounds. In 1933 its strength was so great that it almost took control of the cantonal government by electing 45 of its members to the 100-man legislature. Four of its members were elected to the seven-man cantonal executive and Leon Nicole, one of the Socialist Party's most able leaders, became President of the canton.
The Socialist Party was not able to hold its position of power for long. Under a combined attack by the other parties it soon lost ground. In the next elections, in 1936, the party lost five of its forty-five seats in the cantonal legislature and failed to elect any of its members to the cantonal executive. As the effects of the depression waned, more and more of the members of the middle class who had been voting Socialist returned to their former party affiliation. In 1939 Socialist strength in the cantonal legislature fell to 28. Although the Geneva Socialists were no longer a threat to the traditional parties, in 1941 a majority of the legislature succeeded in obtaining the passage of legislation abolishing the Geneva Socialist Party. This ban, following closely on the national ban on the Communists, deprived the left of almost all of its representation for the duration of the war. In the election of 1942, for instance, a new socialist party made up of former members of the Geneva Socialist Party was able to capture only nine seats in the legislature.
Immediately after World War II and the lifting of the ban on the Communist Party, the left came back into its own in Geneva politics. At first, the power of the left was in the hands of the Communists. In the elections of 1945, the Communists, who had been unable prior to the war to make any showing of significance, captured 36 seats out of the 100 in the cantonal legislature. The Socialists, on the other hand, were able to keep only their nine seats. In succeeding elections the power of the Communists, under the Labor Party label (Parti du Travail), has slowly ebbed as the power of the Socialists has increased. In the 1965 election, the Communists elected only 16 members to the legislature, while the Socialists were able to capture 20 seats.2
There are some additional differences in the pattern of politics between the national and the cantonal levels. First, the Liberal Party continues to maintain considerable strength in the cantonal elections while it has lost most of its power in federal elections. In the 1963 elections for the federal legislature, the Liberal Party obtained only six seats out of 200. In the 1965 elections for the cantonal legislature, however, the Liberals were able to capture 15 out of 100. Second, the Farmers Party, which has an important place in national politics, has never made any headway in the canton of Geneva. Third, the canton has its share of minor parties which come and go with regularity. For example, a group called the National Union was able to pick up nine seats in the 1933 elections, the first time it presented candidates. The National Union increased its strength to ten seats in 1936, only to disappear without a trace in the elections of 1939. The Progressive Party came out of nowhere to capture seven seats in the cantonal legislature in the elections of 1954. All seven seats were lost in the following election, and the party has not been heard of since. The latest in the series is the Vigilance Party, whose only purpose seems to be to reduce the influence of the international organizations in cantonal life; it won ten seats in the 1965 elections. If the Vigilants run true to form, they should not be around any longer after one or two more elections.
Table IV, dealing with party representation in the cantonal legislature, the Grand Conseil, from the elections of 1930 to those of 1965, gives a fairly accurate picture of party standings in cantonal politics over the years.
The pattern of development of political parties at the communal level in Veyrier differs, in its turn, in certain respects from the pattern on both the national and cantonal levels. Perhaps the most striking difference is the lesser number of parties active at the communal level. The two most important parties are the Radical Party and the Independent Christian Social Party (Catholic). In second rank are the Liberal Party and the Independent Communal Interest Movement, the latter being a purely communal product. The Radical Party dominated communal politics for decades as its parent party dominated national politics. The Independent Christian Social Party, while always a strong party as a result of the Catholic background of the commune, was not able to provide any real challenge to the control of the Radicals until recently. That it is now in such a position is due to a certain amount of disillusion with the platforms and policies of the Radicals, as well as a search for something new. In this respect, the Catholic party in Veyrier does not have the purely conservative reputation that some Catholic parties in other parts of Switzerland tend to have. It is liberal, especially in the field of social welfare, and its leadership is dynamic. Further, and perhaps even more important, there is no major party in the commune to challenge its liberal leadership. The Communists have never made any serious inroads in the commune and the Socialists have never seriously attempted to organize. The Catholic Party, therefore, is in the position of offering the residents of the commune of Veyrier what they desire, and it does not have the competition from the left as it would in other parts of the canton and nation.
The absence of the parties to the left in communal politics is another local phenomenon that needs explanation. The main reason for this is that the commune is conservative by nature. On the one hand, there is no industry and no large portion of the population which could be placed in the low income category. On the other hand, the commune has a long history with which its people identify themselves, and there is a leadership pattern of long standing based on the old families that has not as yet been successfully challenged despite the steady increase in inhabitants from outside the commune.3
The Liberal Party continues to make its presence known in the commune, but it has not been as important here, at least in recent years, as it has been on the cantonal level. The fourth party, the Independent Communal Interest Movement, is a local phenomenon.4 It was founded as the Independent Young Progressives shortly before the elections of 1943 for the following reasons: (1) as a reaction against the cantonal decision to outlaw the Geneva Socialist Party, which action it considered undemocratic; (2) as a reaction against the tendency on the part of the three regular parties to form coalitions in order to exclude other parties; and (3) to provide a genuine non-partisan voice for the people of the commune on communal affairs. With the exception of the elections of 1947 and 1951, when it failed to put up candidates, this group has always held two or more seats on the municipal council.
The tendency on the part of the three major parties to form coalitions at election time to keep other parties from making headway in municipal elections was begun in 1939 and continued through the elections of 1955. Coalitions were not formed in the 1959 and 1963 elections and there was some speculation that this device was being abandoned. In the 1967 elections, however, coalitions appeared once again.
Tables V and VI, dealing with party representation on the municipal council and the municipal executive, give a fairly clear picture of the strengths of the four major communal parties in the period since World War II.
Table V. Party Representation in the Veyrier Municipal Council, 1943-1967
Election
YearRadical
Liberal
Independent
Christian
SocialCommunal
InterestOther
Total
1943
8
0
5
4
0
15
1947
7
2
3
__
1
15
1951-
7
2
5
__
1
15
1955
6
2
4
3
0
15
1959
8
2
5
2
0
17
1963
6
3
6
2
0
17
1967
6
3
8
2
0
19
Table VI. Party Affiliation of the Mayor of Veyrier and His Deputies, 1943-1967
Year Mayor Deputy Deputy 1943 Liberal Radical Radical 1947
Radical Radical Catholic 1951
Radical Radical Catholic 1955
Radical Radical Catholic 1959
Radical Radical Catholic 1963
Catholic Radical Liberal 1967
Catholic Radical Liberal
The Parties Although the lines of demarcation among the parties become difficult to ascertain as one drops from the national to the cantonal to the communal level, there are certain tendencies of the parties pertaining to communal matters that tend to differentiate one party from another.6 The Liberal Party is the most conservative of Veyrier's parties. It has the longest tradition, dating to before the creation of the Swiss federation, and in general encompasses a large proportion of the old Protestant families. As a conservative party, it is against the centralization of power in Berne, preferring to see more state activities carried out by the cantons. The Liberal party believes the commune is the basic element in Swiss democracy and as such should be protected and left with as much power as possible. Taxes should not be raised to a point where they might drive out the large taxpayers, and wherever possible the small tradesman and shop-keeper should be protected and encouraged. There should be a restraint on the part of the state in taking over areas where free enterprise can still prosper. Above all, governments at all levels should be frugal, seeking economies wherever possible, and not spending more than they take in in taxes.
The Radical Party occupies the middle of the political spectrum in Veyrier. It too is an old party, though not as old as the Liberals, and came into prominence on the national scale as the "modern" competitor to the old Liberals. It is this party that has held power in Veyrier until very recently. Many of the planks in the Radical platform, such as direct democracy and free elementary education, have long been put into practice. In general it now stands for the status quo. It is pro-middle class, believes in economies in government, and advocates educational reform to make opportunities available to all youth. Protection of agriculture is also an important Radical position. While the Liberal party in Veyrier is strongly Protestant, the Radical party claims a mixed Protestant-Catholic membership.
The Independent Christian Social Party (ICS), the predominantly Catholic Party of Veyrier and of the canton of Geneva, is a result of a merger in 1926 of the more modern socially minded Christian Social Party and the older, more conservative, Catholic Independent Party. The latter was founded in 1892 when the introduction of proportional representation in the canton of Geneva made it possible for a new party to get a start against the dominant Radical and Liberal Parties. Among the founders of the Independent Party and its newspaper, Le Courier de Geneve, was Jules-Edouard Gottret, for twenty-five years mayor of Veyrier.
Being a party with mixed parentage, the ICS has both conservative and liberal tendencies. On the conservative side, the ICS advocates limited government and economies in governmental operation. The Catholics also make a point of being the defenders of individual liberties and protectors of the family. The emphasis on the protection of the family unit has led the ICS Party to advocate higher tax reductions for families (as against single persons), family subsidies, better youth facilities, youth education subsidies, and a reorganization of education. Among the more liberal of the ICS tendencies that have affected Veyrier are support for public low rental housing, keeping school facilities up to date, and emphasis on governmental help for mental and physical health. On a national level, as well as a local level, the ICS party has constantly engaged in a campaign to eliminate the legal restrictions placed on the Catholic Church which date from the Sonderbund War.
The Geneva ICS is loosely affiliated with the national Catholic party, known as the Conservative and Christian Social Party. The recent dominance of the Christian Social side of the ICS, has, however, made the ICS probably more liberal than the national party. That it is sometimes difficult for a party to be both liberal and conservative at the same time is demonstrated by the break-up of the Fribourg Independent Christian Social Party in 1966 into its two component parts.
The Independent Communal Interest Movement continues to present itself as the true voice of the people in the commune. Once elected, its propaganda points out, members will represent the whole electorate and not a political party which may be preoccupied with national and cantonal problems to the exclusion of important communal matters. The members of this group do not consider themselves as just an opposition party, however, but are willing, as they feel they have proven in recent years, to support policies from any source, as long as these policies are to the benefit of the largest part of the inhabitants of Veyrier.®
The party organization on the communal level is minimal. Direction of party activities is usually assumed by the party's elected officials plus a few other interested persons. Meetings are held as necessity dictates, increasing in frequency with the coming of federal, cantonal, or communal elections. Meetings open to all who adhere to the party are held at various times throughout the year to give the party members a feeling of participation or to recruit their services in behalf of the party. As a general rule party meetings are very poorly attended. At the approach of elections, the party activists meet to plan communal strategy, to post broadsides provided by the cantonal or national party headquarters, and to attend meetings presenting national, cantonal, or communal party personalities. In Veyrier's parties, the amount of organization and organized activity is highest in the Catholic Party and, in descending order, the Liberals, the Radicals, and the Communal Interest Movement. Even the organization of the ICS is, however, much less than that found in the two parties missing in Veyrier, the Socialist and the Communist.
As far as can be ascertained there has been no attempt to determine the exact geographical distribution of party support in the commune of Veyrier, but for several years Veyrier has been divided into two parts for polling purposes: Veyrier Village and Veyrier Pinchat. In view of the fact that the two parts of Veyrier have not always seen eye to eye on policies for the commune, it might be well at this point to provide some indication of the party preferences of the two parts of the commune. In Table VII the political party breakdown is given for those who voted in 1963 for the communal legislature. In Table VIII, in order to provide for a slightly larger view, the political party breakdown is given for those who voted in Veyrier for the Geneva Cantonal Grand Council in 1965.
Table VII. Valid Votes Cast in Veyrier in the 1963 Elections for the Veyrier Municipal Council*
Party
Veyrier I
(Village)Veyrier II
(Pinchat)Total
Catholic
172
112
284
Radical
141
112
253
Liberal
47
85
132
Communal Interest
68
58
126
Other
29
44
73
457
411
868
*The information in both this and the following table were taken from Geneva, Republique et canton de Geneve, Departement de l'interieur et agriculture, Service des votations et elections, Election municipal, Veyrier, Proces-Verbal, 28 avril 1963 (Geneva, 1963).
Table VIII. Valid Votes Cast in Veyrier in the 1965 Election for the Geneva Cantonal Grand Council
Veyrier 1
Veyrier II
Party
(Village)
(Pinchat)
Total
Catholic
137
76
213
Radical
128
115
243
Liberal
43
69
112
Workers
(Communist)32 23
55
Socialist
25
53
78
Vigilance
31
54
85
Other
8
9
17
404
399
803
Interest Groups In the commune of Veyrier there is a wide variety of local societies in whose activities a large number of the inhabitants participate. Some are constantly involved in the politics of the commune, others are involved only now and then. Some even receive a direct subsidy for their activities from the communal government. The official history of the commune, published in 1963, lists twelve local societies which were then active.7 The three major social organizations are the Veyrier Shooting Society (La Societe de tir de Veyrier); The Echo of the Saleve (L'Echo du Saleve), better known as the Veyrier Marching Band (Fanfare de Veyrier); and the Veyrier Sports Club (Veyrier-Sport F.-C.). The Shooting Society dates from 1852, when its membership was restricted to the bachelors of the commune and its activities consisted of a contest to see who could hit a wooden bird affixed to the top of a long wooden pole. The winner of the contest was crowned "King" and the contestants had a dinner together. The Shooting Society, according to the History of the Commune, made an important contribution to the placation of quarrels, which were then quite fierce and frequent between village families. Over the years membership in the group was opened to married men as well as bachelors, and the society acquired a regular shooting range. In 1909 the Society took over the organization of the annual military target practice, in which each of Veyrier's reservists must participate,8 and since then has sponsored a wide variety of shooting competitions. The annual bird shoot (the wooden bird has long since been replaced by regular targets) is one of the more important communal events. When competitions are completed, prizes are awarded in an impressive ceremony at noon in front of the town hall, after which the members of the society and its guests parade through the town to the communal auditorium. At the communal auditorium, with the participation of members of the town government, the cantonal government, and federal military authorities, a banquet is held, complete with speeches, toasts, and songs, lasting well into the afternoon.
The Veyrier Band, founded in 1878 by the young people of the village who were interested in music, is made up of some forty men of all ages, whose music is essential to any parade or major social event. The people of Veyrier are also quite proud of their soccer team, the Veyrier Sports Club, which has been in existence since 1908. At first the team played anywhere there was space, but since 1956 it has been installed in its own well-arranged and landscaped athletic sporting field. Although fielding a soccer team is the main activity of the club, it is also dedicated to "healthful and sincere friendship" among its members, and schedules an annual banquet and various other social activities.
There are two service organizations, the Volunteer Fire Department (Compagnie des sapeurs pompiers de Veyrier) and the Veyrier Credit Union (Caisse de credit mutuel de Veyrier). The former, whose origins date at least from 1849 (the records are hazy), has its own equipment and uniforms, and in addition to fighting fires has certain civil defense duties and holds an annual banquet. The Credit Union was formed in 1935 and now has several hundred members.
Among the other social organizations of importance in Veyrier are the Protestant and Catholic parish organizations, the latter with its well-known choir, which hold a number of well-attended functions throughout the year. There are also the Veyrier Section of the Federal Gymnastic Society (Societe federal de gymnastique -- Section de Veyrier), founded in 1952 for the promotion of the sports of gymnastics and handball; and the Veyrier Agriculture Association of about thirty members, founded in 1900, whose purpose it is to help its members acquire the best in seeds, plants, fertilizers, weed and pest poisons, and breeding animals. There is also the Saleve Circle (Cercle du Saleve) which, when it was founded in 1898, was dedicated "exclusively to the flow of wine produced by its members."9 The Circle has since broadened both the base of its membership and its functions.
There are also two organizations to defend the interests of the inhabitants of the Pinchat part of the commune. The first, the Pinchat- Vessy Interest Association (Association des interets de Pinchat-Vessy), was founded in 1912 for the purpose of agitating for better communication with the city of Geneva, for sewers, and for a nursery school. The association has long since obtained its three goals and is now interested in any problems of concern to its area of the commune. It also organizes the annual children's Christmas tree ceremony in Pinchat. The other organization, the Society for the Development of Place Verte-Pinchat-Vessy (Society de developpement de Place Verte-Pinchat-Vessy) has had a similar history. It was founded in 1928 to lobby for bringing electricity into the region. This aim has long since been achieved and the Society, with the support of the communal authorities, now occupies itself with almost any community problem that arises.
The communal authorities consider the local societies to be of such importance in retaining a communal spirit among the inhabitants of the commune that they have a policy of encouraging their activities. The commune has, for instance, provided a handsome communal auditorium, complete with banquet facilities and a stage, where social organizations are encouraged to hold their meetings and other activities. Further, almost every communal budget includes an item dealing with subsidies for interest groups. The annual financial report for 1965, for instance, lists five subsidies. The Shooting Club received 3,200 Swiss francs; the Marching Band received 3,000; the Sports Club received 600; the Gymnastic Society received 400; and the Agriculture Association received 200.10
Socio-Political Communication As a result of the geographical and political location of the commune, the inhabitants of Veyrier are exposed to a wide variety of communication media. Almost all of these media, however, are externally oriented and thus seldom available for intra-communal communication. The commune must, therefore, rely primarily upon a system of inter-personal communication for its normal social and political needs.
Both television and sound broadcasting are available. The Swiss government provides one television channel, in French, beamed to the French-speaking Swiss in the cantons of western Switzerland. Programs are offered over this channel for about nine hours a day on weekdays and for a little over twelve hours a day on week-ends. Inasmuch as this channel has such a wide area to serve, and is on for such a relatively short time, the smaller communes of the canton of Geneva are not likely to receive much attention except in the case of a sensational murder or serious natural catastrophe. Veyrier is also within good receiving distance of the Jura relay for the two television programs offered by the French government. All that is needed to receive these programs is a simple adaptor, and many of the viewers in the commune have one. With a little more difficulty, the communal viewer can also pick up the Swiss German television program and sometimes one or more of the programs transmitted from southern Germany.
The sound broadcasting programs available to the listener in Veyrier are even more varied, but hardly any more communally oriented. The Swiss national radio offers a French language program for the French-speaking portion of western Switzerland. It is also possible to pick up the government's German and Italian programs. Most normal European radio sets include both the low and medium frequency bands, thus enabling the listener to enjoy programs from stations all over Europe, government and private.
The most pertinent newspapers are those published in the city of Geneva. The two largest, La Tribune de Geneve (60,080 copies a day), and La Suisse (53,000) have a neutral political reputation, but the former is conceded by many to have a Radical tinge and the latter a Liberal tinge. The five others are all openly politically oriented. Le Journal de Geneve (13,520) is Liberal, La Courier (11,970) is Independent Christian Social, Le Peuple (approximately 10,000) is Socialist, La Voix Ouvriere with approximately 8,000 daily circulation is Communist, and Le Genevois, a weekly with about 2,825 circulation, is Radical. Of these newspapers, La Suisse is the only one with a Sunday edition (circulation approximately 100,000). In addition, there is a governmental publication entitled La Feuille d'Avis officielle, published three times a week, with a circulation of 7,750, reporting on official cantonal activities. Again, the area covered is too large to permit other than passing reference to the commune of Veyrier. Elections are covered, however, as are major meetings of social and political organizations.
The only media available directly for communal purposes are the nine official bulletin boards, one across from the town hall and the others located strategically throughout the commune. All major announcements and statements of all major decisions of the municipal council are posted on these boards. On close inspection, however, one finds that the official communal notices are almost crowded out by those dealing with cantonal and federal matters.
Inter-personal communication, which is quite important for a knowledge of local events, occurs in a variety of places. Of the more significant are the commune's eight cafes. As in most of Europe, the cafes open early in the morning and remain open until late in the evening. During the morning and afternoon periods the clientele of the typical Veyrier cafe is composed mainly of those who work in the commune and who stop in for a break in their morning activities. There is a rush during the noon hour of those who live and work in the commune. Throughout the day, therefore, there is a constant flow into the cafes of information shared with others who might be found there and, of course, deposited with the proprietor and his staff. The peak time for the exchange of information is during the evening hours between 6 p.m. and 8 p.m. It is then that the head of the house who works in Geneva stops in his favorite cafe for an aperitif before going home to dinner. The information collected during the day about the events and happenings in the commune is then available to those who have not been in contact with communal affairs. More information is exchanged later in the evening when the members of the various societies congregate in the cafes. Most societies have their "official" cafe where they habitually meet and where there usually is a display case exhibiting their official insignia, cups and awards, and the like. On Sundays there is large influx of clientele into the village cafes, including entire families out for a walk after Sunday dinner. Finally, as would be expected, there is communication among cafes, which completes the network. Consequently, in the span of a day, and even more so in the span of a week, at least one member of every family in Veyrier is in a position to learn of the events, minor and major, that have occurred in his village and in his commune.11
The cafe network is supplemented by that of the stores and markets. While supermarkets abound in some of the more populated areas surrounding Veyrier and transportation to these areas is readily available through an efficient system of public transportation and an increasing number of private automobiles, the housewife in Veyrier still does most of her daily shopping in the smaller local markets. Contacts among proprietors of the markets and housewives provide a communication system to supplement that of the cafes.
At only one point is there even a hint that the communication pattern fails to provide for all of the needs of the commune, and that is the link between Veyrier village and Pinchat. Pinchat is more oriented toward the city of Geneva and other parts of the canton than it is to the village. Most of the inhabitants are commuters and few have family ties to the commune. As a result, there is less reliance on village cafe social life. Most of those who do stop in cafes during the day and at the evening aperitif hour do so in places closer than Veyrier, the extra distance being quite unattractive especially in the evening after work. The main cafe in the lives of the inhabitants of Pinchat seems to be one in Carouge on the main route to the city of Geneva. There are, of course, those having business in the village, who go to the village to talk politics, and who are involved in one of Veyrier's social activities. These individuals are quite likely to stop in a cafe and thus are in a position to exchange news of local events. Over-all, however, one gets the impression that a large part of the commune remains somewhat isolated. Frictions between the inhabitants of the village of Veyrier and those of Pinchat have occurred in the past, and it is possible that these frictions were in some way due to a lack of communication between the two parts of the commune.
With this possible exception, however, the needs of the commune for a reliable system of socio-political communication seem to be adequately met at the present time. Such should remain the case as long as the commune remains relatively small, the supermarkets do not take away all of the clientele from the local markets, and television's evil eye permits the cafe to remain an important aspect of the commune's social life.
Notes 1 The true power of the various parties is still not reflected in the upper house of the Swiss legislature because of the indirect method of election in some cantons which tends to perpetuate the hold of the older parties. In 1963, for instance, out of 44 seats in this body the Catholics held 18, the Radicals 13, and the Socialists only 3. The Peasants had 4 seats, the Liberals 3, and others the remaining 3.2 The figures regarding party strength in Geneva are mainly from Annuaire statistique, 1965, p. 312.
3 One person interviewed, when asked why the Socialist Party had made no headway in the commune, answered half facetiously that it was probably because no one from one of the older communal families had taken the time to organize it.
4 Although they look and act like a party, the individuals involved in this group prefer to consider themselves as a non-partisan or even "above party" (hors-partis) movement.
5 For a more comprehensive discussion of the Swiss national parties, see Codding, pp. 113-130.
6 Almost half of the twenty-four communes using the proportional representation system have a purely communal party in addition to the local branches of the national parties. In the smaller communes using the majority system, the number of parties represented drops off drastically. In the 1967 election, for example, a single list was presented in five of the twenty communes using the majority system, two lists were presented in eleven communes, and three were presented in four.
7 Histoire de la Commune, pp. 159-166. Most of the information in this section was taken from this source.
8 The Swiss military reservist, which is almost every able bodied young man, practices annually with the rifle until the age of 42.
9 Histoire de la Commune, pp. 166.
10 Republique et canton de Geneve, Commune de Veyrier, Compte rendu financier pour I'exercice 1965 et administratif pour la periode 1965-1966, presente a la seance du Conseil municipal par M. G. Genet, Maire (Geneva, May 1966), p. 20.
11 A great deal of specialized information can be obtained by a selective use of Veyrier's cafes. For example, one evening the author asked a friend from Veyrier a fairly complicated question concerning cantonal politics. With only a moment's hesitation, the friend identified the cafe where an authoritative reply to the question could be found. Upon investigation, such proved to be the case.