Notes

2 Aleksei Nikolaev, Zhizn Nestora Makhno (Riga: Izdevnieciba 'Obshche dostupnaia biblioteka,' n.d.); Aleksei Nikolaev, Batko Makhno (Riga: Izdevnieciba 'Laikmets,' n.d.); Aleksei Nikolaev, Pervyi sredi ravnykh (Detroit: Izd. Profsoiuza, 1947); Vasyl Chaplenko, Ukraintsi (New York: All-Slavic Publishing, Inc., 1960); Oles Honchar, Sobor (Kiev: Radianskyi pysmennyk, 1968); Klym Polishchuk, Huliaipilskyi 'Batko', 2 vols. (Kolomyia: Vyd. Oka, 1925-26); Iurii Ianovskyi, Vershnyky, in Tvory, Vol. II (Kiev: Derzhlitvydav, 1958), pp. 169-257.

3 Daniel and Gabriel Cohn-Bendit, Obsolete Communism, the Left-Wing Alternative (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968), pp. 220-234.

4 The New York Public Library has one proclamation and three issues of Put k svobode (Huliai-Pole), Nos. 1-3; two other issues are in European libraries. L. J. van Rossum, "Proclamations of the Makhno Movement, 1920," International Review of Social History, XIII, Pt. 1 (Amsterdam, 1968), p. 249. Van Rossum's publication of eleven proclamations from the archive of the Italian anarchist Ugo Fedeli adds greatly to the fund of documents. A proclamation of the Makhnivtsi against anti-Semitism was published in Volna (New York), No. 58, October, 1924, pp. 39-42. Other proclamations are quoted in Petr Arshinov, Istoriia makhnovskogo dvizheniia (1918-1921 gg.) (Berlin: Izd. 'Gruppy russkikh anarkhistov v Germanii,' 1923). Selections from the protocol of the second meeting of the Huliai-Pole District Conference (February 12, 1919) are published in Petr Struve, "Ideologiia Makhnovshchiny," Russkaia mysl, No. 1-2 (Sofia, 1921), pp. 226-232. Three copies of the Kharkiv Makhno group's newspaper Golos makhnovsta are in the Soviet Union; they are cited in S. Semanov, "Makhnovshchina i ee krakh," Voprosy istorii, No. 9 (Moscow, 1966), p. 57. The Ukrainian-language newspapers Shliakh do voli (Huliai-Pole) and Anarkhist povstanets (Poltava) are unavailable.

5 The outline given here includes the barest essentials to provide the reader with necessary background. A general sketch is found in David Footman, Civil War in Russia (London: Faber, 1961), pp. 245-303. See also Max Nomad, "The Warrior: Nestor Makhno, the Bandit Who Saved Moscow," in Apostles of Revolution (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1939), pp. 302-342, and Victor Peters, Nestor Makhno: The Life of an Anarchist (Winnipeg: Echo Books, 1970).

6 The most authoritative study of the 1906-1909 activities of Makhno and the Huliai-Pole group of anarchists is by G. Novopolin, "Makhno i guliai-polskaia gruppa anarkhistov (po ofitsialnym dannym)," Katorga i ssylka, No. 34 [5] (Moscow, 1927), pp. 70-77. Novopolin's work is based largely on the Odessa prosecutor's indictment of December 14, 1909, which charged fourteen people.

7 The most thorough scholarly study of anarchist tendencies in the Makhno movement is by Romuald Wojna, "Nestor Machno: anarchizm czynu," Z Pola Walki, No. 2 [50] (Warsaw, 1970), pp. 45-76. See also "Anarkhizm i makhnovshchina," Anarkhicheskii vestnik, No. 2 (Berlin, 1923), pp. 27-37. Attacks by anarchist enemies of Makhno such as Mark Mrachnyi and Aaron Baron can be approached through a study of Makhno's answers, published in the Paris anarchist paper Delo truda during the mid-1920's. An enlightening, but unfinished, discussion of the relationship of anarchism to the Makhnwshchyna (chiefly a history of the Nabat group) is the study of D. Ierde, "Politychna prohrama anarkhoma-khnivshchyny," Litopys revoliutsii, IX, 1-2 (Kharkiv, 1930), pp. 41-50.

8 Considerable attention is given to Hryhoriiv's revolt in Arthur Adams, Bolsheviks in the Ukraine: The Second Campaign, 1918-1919 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1963).

9 Makhno's role in the struggle against Denikin is the basis of Nomad's epithet: "The Warrior: Nestor Makhno, the Bandit Who Saved Moscow," in Apostles, p. 302.

10 For contemporary accounts of this very confusing period in Makhno's hfe, see Kazimir-Valerian Tesliar, "Pravda o muzhike-anarkhiste Makhno i anarkho-makhnovshchine," Volna (New York), No. 34-35, October-November, 1922, pp. 21-25; Gr. Anar. Molodezhi Varshavy, "Sud nad N. Makhno," Volna, No. 45, September, 1923, pp. 45-46.

11 Nestor Makhno, Russkaia revoliutsiia na Ukraine (Paris: Federatsiia anarkho-kommunisticheskich grupp Severnoi Ameriki i Kanady, 1929), Pod udarami kontr-revoliutsii (Paris: Izdanie Komiteta N. Makhno, 1936), Ukrainskaia revoliutsiia (Paris: Izdanie Komiteta N. Makhno, 1937). These three volumes are hereafter referred to as Makhno I, II, III. The last two were issued posthumously under die editorship of Makhno's major anarchist colleague, Volin (Vsevolod M. Eikhenbaum).

12 Arshinov, Istoriia makhnovskogo dvizheniia; Voline [Vsevolod Eikhenbaum], La revolution inconnue (1917-21) (Paris: Les Amis de Voline, 1947), translated into English as The Unknown Revolution (Kronstadt 1921, Ukraine 1918-21) (London: Freedom Press, 1955).

13 M. Kubanin, Makhnovshchina (Leningrad: Priboi, 1927). Early Bolshevik accounts vary in scholarly level. Many are mere propaganda tracts against an all-too-popular foe. Those which the contemporary Soviet historian Semanov describes as written "in the hot aftermath of the events" are Ia. Iakovlev, Russkii anarkhizm v velikoi russkoi revoliutsii (St. Petersburg: Izd. Kommunisticheskogo internatsionala, 1921), M. Ravich-Cherkasskii, Makhno i Makhnovshchina (Katerynoslav, 1920), R. Eideman, Ochagi atamanshchiny i banditizma (Kharkiv, 1921), D. Lebed, Itogi i uroki let rnakhnovshchiny (Kharkiv, 1921). Semanov's "Makhnovshchina i ee krakh" is one of two Soviet studies in recent years and is the only substantial discussion of the Makhnivshchyna which makes no use of Makhno's memoirs. Semanov's only comment is in note 81, p. 52, which mentions the first two volumes of memoirs and ascribes their editorship to Volin. This would lead one to believe that Makhno's writings were unavailable to Semanov, since he reveals no knowledge of the third volume and since, in fact, Volin did not edit Volume I, as is explained in detail in the introduction to Volume II. He and Makhno were having personal difficulties at the time. The other Soviet work is P. Kh. Bilyi, "Rozhrom Makhnovshchyny," Ukrainskyi istorychnyi zhurnal, XIV, 5 (Kiev, 1971), pp. 10-21, which is devoted to a narrative of die last phase of the Makhnivshchyna. It is especially valuable for information on early Bolshevik literature dealing with Makhno. Of considerable value is the account of the former Makhnivets anarchist I. Teper [Gordeev], Makhno: Ot "edinogo" anarkhizma k stopam rumynskogo korolia (Kiev. Molodoi rabochii, 1924).

14 Liubomyr Wynar, "Zviazky Nestora Makhna z Armiieiu U.N.R. (1918-1920)," Rozbudova derzhavy, No. 3 (Montreal, 1953), pp. 15-18. Wynar has also contributed another article that contains useful information on the relationship between the Makhno movement and the Ukrainian national movement: "Prychynky do rannoi diialnosty Nestora Makhna v Ukraini (1917-18)," Rozbudova derzhavy, No. 2 (Montreal, 1953), pp. 14-20.

The article by Dubrovskyi, "Batko Nestor Makhno," is an important work that contains a positive evaluation of Makhno's role in Ukrainian history. It is strictly a narrative, however, and does not analyze Makhno's thought on the Ukrainian question. The most useful commentary by a member of a Ukrainian political faction is Isaak Mazepa, Ukraina v ohni i buri revoliutsii, 3 vols. (Munich: Prometei, 1950-51). A nearly contemporary account of the Makhnivshchyna, and at the same time a particularly interesting Ukrainian political commentary on the movement, is A. S., "Makhnivshchyna," Kalendar 'Hromada' dlia robitnoho naroda v nisti i seli na rik 1926 (Lviv, 1925), pp. 105-109. The best work in English is Nestor Makhno, by Victor Peters, especially for its eyewitness accounts gathered on the Makhnivshchyna.

15 For Makhno's discussion of his Russification, see Makhno II, pp. 153-154.

16 For a description of Huliai Pole, see Natalia Sukhogorskaia, "Vospominanie o makhnovshchine," Kandalnyi zvon, No. 6 (Odessa, 1927), pp-37-38.

17 The general trend of anarchist thinking is outlined by P. Kropotkin, "Natsionalnyi vopros," Listki "Khleb i Volia" (London), No. 16, June 7, 1907, pp. 2-4.

18 Raevskii viewed this lack of attention as the inevitable result of anarchism's development in uni-national states -- above all in Western Europe. He maintained that anarchists in the multi-national Russian Empire must devote more attention to nationalism, citing two articles by Kropotkin as one of the few anarchist attempts to study and explain the growth of nationalism among the non-Russians of the Empire and above all among the working class. M. Raevskii, "Natsionalnyi vopros s tochki zreniia kommunisticheskogo anarkliizma," Burevestnik (Paris), No. 19, February 19, 1910, p. 13.

Kropotkin attributed the lack of anarchist discussion on the nationality question to the influence of French anarchist theorists, who looked on nationalism as a prop of the state and of reaction. He maintained that, although this view was correct for the French and other dominant nationalities, it did not apply to oppressed ones. He generalized from the history of the nineteenth century that no social revolution is possible while a nation is struggling for its liberation. Thus, it would follow from his argument that the success of the struggle for national freedom was a necessary precondition of the struggle for social revolution. Indeed, he believed that if each nation developed its own language and culture it would contribute to the progress of anarchism. Kropotkin, pp. 2-4.

Raevskii commented on the considerable criticism leveled against Kropotkin in anarchist circles because of his favorable attitude toward nationalist movements. He also called on anarchists to formulate tactics for dealing with nationalism among the workers of the oppressed nationalities of Russia. However, Raevskii challenged Kropotkin's assertion that nations struggling for national freedom could not enter the path of social revolution. He cited the Jews, Poles, and Georgians as examples that the struggle for national freedom is an integral part of the struggle for social freedom. Thus, Raevskii saw the reawakening of oppressed nationalities and their struggle for freedom as a positive phenomenon in which anarchists should play a role.

19 Interest was centered on Jewish nationalism, a very atypical form, given the Jewish minority status and the Zionist movement. Kropotkin's articles on the nationality problem were prompted by the inquiries of Marc Jahrblum, a Zionist anarchist. M. Raevskii (L. Fishelev) was Jewish.

20 The formation of a specifically Ukrainian group of anarchists was announced in 1914. Its goal was to issue propaganda in the Ukrainian language. Nabat (Geneva), No. 1, July, 1914. There is no indication that this group undertook any activity.

21 Paul Avrich, The Russian Anarchists (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1967), pp. 43-49.

22 Ibid., pp. 62-63.

23 Katerynoslav (Dnipropetrovsk); Odessa and Balta (Odessa oblast); Cherkasy, Smila, Shpola, Zvenyhorodka, Uman, and Zolotonosha (Cherkasy oblast); Elizavethrad (Kirovhrad oblast); Vinnytsia and Pohrebyshche (Vinnytsia oblast); Melitopol, Oleksandrivsk (Zaporizhzhia) and Huliai-Pole (Zaporizhzhia oblast); Romny (Sumy oblast); Nizhyn (Chernihiv oblast); Zhytomyr and Berdychiv (Zhytomyr oblast); Lutsk (Volyn oblast); Novopavlivka (Voroshylovhrad oblast).

Newspapers consulted: Listki "Khleb i Volia" (London), No. 1, October 30, 1906, through No. 17, June 20, 1907; Nabat (Geneva), No. 1, July, 1914; Nos. 2-3, May-June, 1915; No. 4, April, 1916; Anarkhist (Geneva), No. 1, October, 1907; No. 5, March, 1910; Burevestnik (Paris), No. 1, July 20, 1906, through No. 19, February, 1910; Buntar (Geneva), No. 1, December, 1906; No. 1, May 15, 1908; Khleb i volia (London), No. 1, August, 1903, through No. 25, November, 1905; Khleb i volia (Paris), No. 1, February, 1909; No. 2, July, 1909; Almanakh, No. 1 (Paris, 1909).

24 A report from Shpola mentioned the necessity for anarchist newspapers and leaflets in Ukrainian in order to work among the peasants and workers. A report from Chyhyryn informed of conversions to anarchism from the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party, while another from Romny (northern Poltava gubernia) told of the conversion of that city from a center of the Ukrainian "Spilka" to anarchism. Anarkhist (Geneva), No. 1, October 10, 1907, p. 33 and No. 2, April, 1908, p. 29.

One informant from Nizhyn wrote of distributing leaflets in the "Little Russian language." Khleb i volia (London), No. 11, September, 1904, p. 4. Another article outlined the beginnings of the anarchist movement in the Ukraine, including developments in Nizhyn; it also contained information on Ukrainian parties and stressed the paucity of anarchist literature (only in Russian) as opposed to Social Democratic literature (in three languages: Russian, Ukrainian and Yiddish). L. Pridesnianskii, "Pervye shagi anarkhizma na Ukraine," Almanakh, No. 1 (Paris, 1909), pp. 117-125.

Finally, a report from Chernihiv gubernia discussed the work of the Ukrainian Social Democrats. It mentioned the lack of influence of the Russian Social Democrats, referred to the activity of the Bund and commented on the large number of Jews among the "progressive" proletariat. Khleb i volia (London), Nov. 13-14, October-November, 1904, p. 8.

25 Arshinov joined the anarchist movement in 1906. From 1911 until 1917 he served with Makhno in Butyrki. Contacts between them were renewed in 1918 during Makhno's trip to Moscow. In April 1919, Arshinov joined Makhno and remained with him until the beginning of 1921 as a member of the Cultural Enlightenment Section and editor of Put k svobode. Volin, "Predislovie," in Arshinov, pp. 12-14.

26 Mykola Irchan asserts that he was told this by Makhno. M. Irchan, Makhno i Makhnivtsi (Kaminets: Vyd. "Striltsia," 1919), p. 19. Makhno later admitted that by July 1918 he was no longer in command of his "native language." Makhno II, pp. 153-154.

27 Mazepa discusses this weakness and illustrates it by pointing to these facts: (1) the first city election in Katerynoslav, in which Ukrainian parties won 9 out of 113 seats, was considered a victory; (2) throughout Katerynoslav gubernia, Soviets and dumas were almost never controlled by Ukrainian political groups; (3) in the whole gubernia Ukrainians were able to publish only one weekly newspaper, and this was the result of a collective effort by all parties. Mazepa, Vol. I, pp. 25-26.

28 B. Belash, "Makhnovshchina (otryvki iz vospominanii B. Belasha)," Litopys revoliutsii, VII, 3 (Kharkiv, 1928), p. 194. Makhno makes mention of a visit by M. Nikoforova on August 29, 1917. Makhno I, p. 62. In discussing the events of January 1918 and cooperation with the Bolshevik forces, Makhno mentions Nikoforova's role as a delegate to the Revolutionary Committee. Makhno II, p. 116.

29 Makhno I, pp. 189-191.

30 Ibid., pp. 107-127.

31 Ibid., p. 181.

32 See Avrich, pp. 122-203, for a general discussion of the Bolshevik-anarchist relationship. It must be remembered that, while the Bolshevik "purge" of anarchists ended cooperation between the two, the Bolshevik regime continued to hold a fascination for anarchists, since they often continued to view it as "revolutionary." While Makhno was, of course, aware of the "purges," his subsequent alliances with the Bolsheviks must be placed in the context of the temporary weakness of Bolshevism in the Ukraine and the great strengur of the "reactionary" forces represented by Denikin.

33 The importance of the anti-Hetman movement in fomenting Ukrainian national consciousness and serving as a vehicle for the Directory's bid for power is asserted by Mazepa: "Discounting its eventual failure . . . the anti-Hetman rebellion played a historic role in the Ukrainian liberation struggle. It awoke Ukrainian consciousness in the people." Mazepa, Vol. I, p. 59. While this assessment is essentially true in the north and west, the anti-Hetman movement did not have a similar effect in the east and south. Petr Arshinov, who throughout his work shows the usual anarchist lack of concern for the nationality issue, asserts that: "The rebellion did not everywhere retain its revolutionary popular essence, its faithfulness to the interests of its class. At the same time that the rebellion in southern Ukraine took up the black banner of anarchism and went down the path of anarchy and self-rule for laborers, in the western and northwestern parts of the Ukraine, after the overthrow of the Hetman, the rebellion fell under the influence of elements of democratic nationalism, foreign and hostile to it (Petliurists) . . . In this manner, the uprising of the peasants of Kiev, Volhynia, Podillia, and a part of Poltava gubernias, although it had common roots with the other uprisings, in its later development did not find within itself its true historic tasks or its own organized force. It fell under the control of the enemies of labor and thus became a blind instrument of reaction in their hands." Arshinov, p. 48. Thus, Arshinov sees peasant rebelliousness as a tremendous force that could be harnessed and shaped by the politically conscious.

Others have attempted to explain on socio-economic grounds the difference between the area of the Makhnivshchyna and the territory controlled by the nationalists. "From one side the closeness of major working centers, and from the other the German and Greek colonies surrounding the Ukrainian peasantry, erased that with which the Ukrainian intelligentsia later tried to inoculate the Makhnivshchyna." Teper, p. 48. M. Kubanin has discussed this difference as the result of the national compactness of the village in the nationalist region, which gave a nationalist hue to the hatred of the city, the greater percentage of trade carried on by Jews, and the high percentage of Polish landlords. Kubanin, pp. 29-30. Certainly more careful socio-economic analysis is necessary. Yet the role of the leader must not be underestimated. Thus, it would be interesting to see to what degree the regions held by Hryhoriiv and Makhno differed, and how much the direction of the movements they led was dependent on their leadership.

34 Mazepa, Vol. I, p. 63. Makhno's reaction to proponents of Vynnychenko after the Directory's assumption of power was similar. In his memoirs he claims to have duelled verbally with the Ukrainian forces: "Where, I ask you, friend, in the revolutionary Ukrainian villages and cities, will you find among the workers such fools as to believe in the 'socialism' of the Petliurist-Vynnychenkist Ukrainian government or 'Ukrainian Directory' as it styles itself?" Makhno III, p. 154.

35 For example, the issue of May 17, 1919, carried slogans such as: "Is it possible you do not know that all workers are equal, that the revolution does not know national enmity?" Arshinov, p. 204, quotes an October 1919 statement of the Makhno forces that independence for the Ukraine exists only in terms of the "self-determination of the laborers."

36 Put k svobode (Huliai-Pole), No. 1, May 17, 1919, p. 3; and Arshinov, p. 112. The above newspaper issue also includes an article, "Grigoriev -- Novyi Petliura," warning that Hryhoriiv wished to assist the bourgeoisie to enter the Ukraine with "fire and sword."

37 Even Teper, who charged Makhno with having embraced Ukrainian nationalism just before his flight into Rumania in 1921, writes that: "Makhno himself was as far from nationalism as from the anti-Semitism, which so many people ascribe to him." Teper, p. 50. And, in discussing Ukrainian attempts to take control of the Makhnivshchyna, he says: "It would be comic to maintain that Makhno and the basic cadre of the Makhnivshchyna originating in Zaporizhzhia might sympathize with these national reformers." Teper, p. 49. Dubrovskyi, who casts Makhno as a Ukrainian national hero, nevertheless admits his inattention to the national problem, pp. 21-22. See also Arshinov, pp. 203-213; Semanov, p-40; Kubanin, pp. 163-165.

38 Meleshko, December 25, 1959, p. 3. The degree to which "Ukrainian" was a political and sociocultural term, not a national designation, is shown in a note from Halyna Kuzmenko that Meleshko cites: "My husband wishes to see you. I pledge nothing will happen to you. Nestor treats Ukrainians well!"

39 For accounts of this agreement, see Arshinov, pp. 137-138; Dubrovskyi, p. 12; Mazepa, Vol. II, pp. 112-113. The Galician Sich Riflemen were the major proponents of an alliance with Makhno. For their answer to Ukrainian critics of such an alliance, see Irchan, pp. 27-32.

40 Dubrovskyi, p. 12, cites 3,000 as the number of wounded.

41 Arshinov, p. 137. This evaluation of the Petliura forces' policy is also put form by Kubanin, p. 109, who sees it as an attempt to buy off the Denikin forces; and by V. Rudnev, Makhnovshchina (Kharkiv: Bibl. "Oktiabria," 1928), p. 49. Mazepa, Vol. II, p. 113, contests this accusation, claiming that the declared war between the Directory and Denikin made it impossible. Meleshko, February 19, 1960, p. 3, sees the Petliura forces' inaction as a lost opportunity.

Wynar maintains that Makhno betrayed Petliura by abandoning the Ukrainian National Republic's forces, and he dismisses as spurious any allegations that Petliura planned to sacrifice Makhno to Denikin. "Zviazky," pp. 16-17. That the Petliura forces were far from satisfied with Makhno as an ally is evident from several proposals in an intelligence report of the Petliura counter-intelligence, dated October 4, 1919: "...3) Makhno himself and his unit do not recognize any authority and are against it by its nature. They are incapable of being subject to the government and command of the Ukrainian National Republic even if they wished to; 4) As a major armed group of bandits, the Makhnivtsi are a constant and major threat to our front and rear, and therefore: 5) When military circumstances permit, it would be best to squeeze the units of Makhno into Denikin's rear where they would be a constant, solid threat for Denikin. For the liquidation of Makhno's banditry with his system of mobility, it would be necessary for the Denikinites to use three times as many forces as Makhno commands." "Makhno ta ioho viisko," Litopys chervonoi kalyny (Lviv, 1935), pp. 16-17.

Although this report does not indicate a plot to sell out Makhno to Denikin, it illustrates the potential danger of the Makhno alliance for the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR). Also, Makhno's flight to Denikin's rear forces, far from being an unexpected betrayal of the UNR forces, may have taken place through their influence (the discrepancy in dating may be a lag in recording the document). A final reason for Makhno to have distrusted the Petliura forces is that his emissary to them was both a Ukrainian nationalist and the leader of a plot against him (cf. footnote 50).

42 This is undoubtedly one of the most perplexing aspects of the Makhnivshchyna. The first major allegation appears to be that of die former Makhnivets, Teper: "Whether this plan became known to Petliura even at present is unclear; in any case, the latter, a few hours before the appointed meeting-time, left Uman and in this way escaped the fate of Hryhoriiv." Teper, p. 51.

Another source of evidence for such a plot is F. Meleshko, a Directory proponent who spent some time among the Makhnivtsi in the summer of 1919. Meleshko, February 19, 1960. It is unlikely that knowledge of such a plot existed in the Petliura camp. It is known, however, that a group of dissatisfied Galician Sich Riflemen conspired to assassinate Petliura and that this group was later in contact with Makhno. Letter to the author by Zenon Jaworskyj, January 15, 1971. See also K. V. Gerasimenko, "Makhno," in Denikin-Iudenich-Vrangel: Revoliutsiia i grazhdanskaia voina v opisaniiakh belogvardeitsev, Vol. V (Moscow-Leningrad: Gosudarstvennoe izd., 1927), pp. 236-238.

43 The movement even seems to have contained a strain of attachment to the Ukraine and the Ukrainian nation. A poem by "Staryi Makeich" in Put k svobode (Huliai-Pole), No. 1, May 17, 1919, p. 3, contains a tinge of Ukrainian feeling. In an appeal for revolutionary action, it concludes:

And the brave ones went out,
Bidding adieu to their families,
To chase the oppressors from
native Ukraine.

44 Arshinov, p. 204. Denikin protested the assertion that his movement was directed against the minorities by claiming that only the publicly supported schools were required to instruct in the "state" language. A. Denikin, Ocherki russkoi smuty, Vol. I (Berlin: J. Povolozky & Cie, 1926), pp. 142-144.

45 Both Volin and Arshinov estimate that the Makhnivshchyna was overwhelmingly Ukrainian, with six to eight percent of its participants Russian, and substantial numbers of Greeks, Jews, and Caucasians. Arshinov, p. 203; Volin, The Unknown Revolution, p. 221.

46 This is based on the observations of Iwan Majstrenko, Borotbism: A Chapter in the History of Ukrainian Communism (New York: Research Program on the USSR, 1954), p. 104, who had Shliakh do voli at his disposal. V. Holubnychy maintains that, while the Makhnivtsi literature was primarily in Russian at the beginning, it was later for the most part in Ukrainian. He also mentions the existence of a Makhnivtsi Ukrainian paper in Poltava (Anarkhist-Povstanets). V. Holubnychy, "Makhno i Makhnivshchyna," Entsyklopediia Ukrainoznavstva: Slovnykova chastyna, Vol. IV (Paris, Munich: Vyd. "Molode Zhyttia," 1962), pp. 1493-1494.

47 Halyna, the daughter of a police, official, was from Pishchanyi Brid, Elizavethrad (Kirovhrad) county, Kherson gubernia. She studied at the Women's Seminary in Dobrovelychkivka (Elizavethrad county) and in the fall of 1918 accepted a position in the newly opened Ukrainian State Gymnasium in Huliai-Pole. Her reasons for becoming one of a long string of Makhno's wives are reputed to have been her fears of the Denikin forces. The couple are reported to have married in her native village church during the summer of 1919. Meleshko, December 18, 1959, and December 21, 1959. Halyna later denied that there had been any religious rites. See her "Vidpovid na stattiu 'Pomer Makhno' v 'Novii Pori' vid 9-ho serpnia 1934 roku, hor. Detroita, Mych.," Probuzhdenie (Detroit), No. 50-51, September-October, 1934, p. 17. Another source maintains that the church wedding was necessary to please Halyna's parents, who were Old Believer peasants, and attributes her hatred of Denikin's Whites to their murder of her parents. Sukhogorskaia, p. 55. There is a rumor that she and Makhno were not on good terms in the emigration, but it is known that Halyna attended her husband's funeral in 1934 with their daughter. Meleshko, February 26, 1960, p. 3.

Teper, p. 44, describes Halyna as a person "who until 1922 remained of a rather strong chauvinist viewpoint." On the other hand, Nikolaev, in his novel on Makhno, Pervyi sredi ravnykh, based largely on the author's acquaintance with Halyna in Paris, writes with apparent total oblivion of the existence of a Ukrainian question. One may suppose that by the 1920's and 1930's Halyna toned down any Ukrainian nationalist sympathies.

48 Sukhogorskaia (pp. 48, 53-54), a Russian teacher in Huliai-Pole, describes Halyna as the self-proclaimed patroness of education and the intelligentsia, as well as an organizer of cultural events.

49 Halyna's role in the Makhnivshchyna was of considerable importance. She was her husband's constant companion even in battle and appears to have served as head of the movement's Punitive Commission. Dubrovskyi, p. 15.

50 Teper, p. 51, is the major source. He charges that a group of Ukrainian intelligentsia became active in the Makhnivshchyna and were accepted by the Batko because of his need for cultural workers; that this group began to feel stronger, especially because it attracted Makhno's wife to its side; and that they sought to take over the Makhnivshchyna when it was in close proximity to die Petliura forces at Uman. He maintains that they were easily defeated by the anti-nationalist Secretariat of the Makhno movement. Teper further asserts that Makhno's plan to kill Petliura originated from his reaction to this plot. While these charges can be properly evaluated only after closer study of the material on both sides, they would appear to be correct.

M. Irchan, who served as a press-attache for the Galician Sich Riflemen and who visited the Makhno camp in mid-September 1919, reported: "There are two parties, the nationalists, that is the Ukrainian, and the apoliticals, that is, those indifferent to the national question. The first group is constantly growing. The Army has a relatively large percentage of educated people -- doctors, teachers (male and female), and people well-known even from pre-war Ukrainian literature." Irchan, pp. 17-18.

The growth of Ukrainian cultural forces is also indicated in die memoirs of F. Meleshko, who relates that after being cut off from the Directory's forces he received a note from Halyna inviting him and some of his cohorts to the Makhno camp. Makhno proposed that they embark on cultural work with the implicit understanding that they would serve as negotiators with the Petliura forces if the need should arise. Meleshko, V. Nadaikasa. L. Voitsyk, T. Berezhniak, and T. Moldovanenko accepted, but they bolted from the Makhno forces within a month. Meleshko reports that Volin and Arshinov were absent from the camp and that one of the twelve members of the Revolutionary-Military Soviet was an ardent Ukrainian. Meleshko, however, gives no indication that his stay with the Makhnivtsi was occasioned by anything more than chance, or that there was a Ukrainian plot against Makhno. Meleshko, December 18, 1959, and February 29, 1960.

The most important indication that an attempt was made to overthrow Makhno and utilize his forces in cooperation with the Ukrainian National Directory is offered by an informant of Dubrovskyi, R. Kupchynskyi. He states that Makhno's emissary, Shpota, who "spoke often with us on Ukrainian themes" and who "disliked Makhno's anarchism," conspired with F. Shchus, one of the Makhno's major "generals," against the Batko, but that Makhno discovered the plot. He relates that Makhno's wife did not want to see the end of the agreement with the Ukrainian People's Republic and "would have been happy if Makhno's whole army had gone over to Petliura." Dubrovskyi, p. 12.

51 Both Arshinov and Volin are silent as to the question of Ukrainian influence in the Makhno camp. Arshinov's discussion of cultural and educational activities makes no mention of even using the Ukrainian language. Arshinov, pp. 175-179.

52 Kubanin, pp. 165-166.

53 Nestor Makhno, Makhnovshchina i ee vcherashnie soiuzniki-bolsheviki (Otvet na knigu M. Kubanina) (Paris: Izd. 'Biblioteki Makhnovtsev,' 1928), pp. 26-27. For an example of the Makhno movement's anticentralism (used in this case against the Bolsheviks), see Roshchin, "Dukha ne ugashaite," Put k svobode (Huliai-Pole), No. 2, May 24, 1919, pp. 1-2.

54 It is, of course, possible that what Majstrenko sees as an increase in Ukrainian themes, Kubanin views as nationalism.

55 "Makhnovshchina, petliurovshchina, banditizm, antisemitizm i borba s nimi," Volna (New York), No. 58, October, 1924, pp. 37-39.

56 As early as February 1920, the Nabat had expressed concern over Makhno's methods of leadership. In April, a new concordat was reached when Baron and Sukhovolskii were sent as emissaries to Makhno. After Makhno's new alliance with the Bolsheviks, only Volin, Arshinov, Berman, and Goldman remained faithful to the Makhnivshchyna. Aaron Baron and Mark Mrachnyi became especially virulent enemies of Makhno. Ierde, pp. 52-54.

57 Kubanin, p. 111. Vynar, "Zviazky," p. 17-18, also asserts that cooperation between UNR and Makhno forces was of a local and minor character. Elsewhere, he maintains that Makhno's antagonism to Ukrainian forces had diminished considerably in this period. "Prychynky," pp. 17-18.

58 Nestor Makhno, "Makhnovshchina i antisemitizm," Delo truda (Paris), No. 30-31, November-December, 1927, p. 16. It appears that in April 1920 a group of Ukrainian Socialist-Revolutionaries joined the Makhnivtsi, and one of their number became a member of the Revolutionary-Military Soviet. R. Ivanenko, "Pro shcho ne vilno zabuvaty (Makhnivshchyna)," Ukrainskyi holos (Winnipeg), August 29, 1962.

59 Teper, p. 114.

60 Another indication that Makhno had not espoused Ukrainian nationalism in 1920 is that, when Wrangel called on him, in the summer of 1920, to join the struggle against the Bolsheviks, he did so in the name of Russian nationalism. Arshinov, p. 168.

61 See Makhno's answer in Makhnovshchina i ee vcherashnie, as well as "Makhnovshchina i antisemitizm."

62 Meleshko, December 18, 1959, asserted that Makhno "was not able to gather around himself and his idea even ten Ukrainians in the emigration" (presumably he means nationally conscious Ukrainians) and that at his funeral there was only one Ukrainian, his wife.

63 Mrs. Ida Mett, an acquaintance of Makhno from 1926 to 1929, confirms that relations were strained between Nestor and Halyna Makhno in that period. Letter of January 7, 1971, to author.

64 The only work that has noticed the tone of Ukrainian patriotism in Makhno's memoirs is that by Max Nomad. He commented that: "Makhno was particularly bitter when writing about the Ukraine, his homeland, whose liberator he had hoped to become . . . Unwittingly he gave vent to the nationalistic longings of his countrymen." Nomad, p. 340. In fact, Makhno's commentaries are not as "unwitting" as Nomad presumed.

65 See, for example, Makhno I, pp. 98, 104-105, 109-114, 157, 185; II, pp. 7, 72, 84; III, pp. 17, 155-156, 172-173.

66 Makhno III, p. 59. Makhno's theory of a Ukrainian Revolution developing out of a Russian Revolution is illustrated in the titles of his memoirs. The first volume is entitled, "The Russian Revolution in Ukraine," while the third is "The Ukrainian Revolution."

67 Makhno I, p. 185.

68 Makhno I, p. 6.

69 Makhno II, p. 159. Volin's discussion is devoted to two major attacks by Makhno on other anarchist movements. The first is Makhno's attack on urban anarchists for their ineffectiveness and their failure to give assistance to rural anarchists. Volin asserts that the urban anarchists were tremendously understaffed even for the needs of the cities. The second is Makhno's attack on the anarchists of Russia and their ineffectiveness compared to those of the Ukraine. Volin explains this in terms of the very different conditions existing in the Ukraine and Russia during the 1917-1921 period. He stresses the speed with which Bolsheviks assumed control in Russia and the degree to which the peasant disturbances against the Hetmanate created a favorable climate for anarchists in the Ukraine. Makhno's attacks were largely prompted by his resentment of what he saw as the halfhearted and tardy support of anarchists from the cities and from Russia for his movement. Of course, in the Ukraine, where the concepts "Ukrainian" and "peasant" were almost coterminous, Makhno's prorural disposition implied a pro-Ukrainian stance. That Makhno's memoirs go beyond this is testified to by Volin's emphasis on Makhno's "fanatic belief" in a "Ukrainian" peasantry. For examples of Makhno's disparagement of the Russian Revolution in comparison to the Ukrainian, see Makhno II, pp. 39, 142, 150.

70 Nestor Makhno, "Neskolko slov o natsionalnom voprose na Ukraine," Delo truda (Paris), No. 19, December, 1926, pp. 4-7.

71 Ibid., p. 5.

72 Ibid., p. 5.

73 Ibid., p. 7.

74 When the Nabat group met in Kursk in November 1918, it proclaimed that it would concentrate its work in the Ukraine, because there was a chance for a new "October" that might not fall under Bolshevik control. Ierde, p. 50.

75 The resolutions of the conference of Nabat in Elisavethrad show no evidence that the group was taking into account the non-Russian composition of the area. Rezoliutsii pervogo sezda Konfederatsii anarkhistskikh organizatsii Ukrainy "Nabat" (Buenos Aires, 1923). As late as July 21, 1919, a conference of Kievan anarchists made a proclamation to the "Russian peasant and worker." "Vozzvanie kievskikh anarkhistov," Nabat, No. 25, July 21, 1919, pp. 1-2. A study of the issues of Odesskii Nabat, Nabat and Kharkovskii Nabat during the 1919-1920 period shows almost no awareness of the Ukrainian revival. Though the Kharkovskii Nabat carried frequent notices of the formation of a specifically Latvian language group of anarchists, no analogous Ukrainian group appears to have existed. A Ukrainian language journal was planned for village consumption, though it appears never to have been published. P. Rudenko, Na Ukraine (povstanchestvo i anarkhicheskoe dvizhenie) (Argentina: Izd. Rabochei gruppy v Resp. Argentine, 1922), p. 25.

76 Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman, American anarchists who remained Makhno supporters even after the Russian anarchist movement turned against him, sensed this change and mentioned it in the accounts of their travels in Soviet Russia and Ukraine in 1920. "In Soviet institutions, as among the people at large, an intensely nationalistic, even chauvinistic spirit is felt. To the natives, the Ukraine is the only true and real Russia; its culture, language, and customs are superior to those of the North. They dislike the 'Russian' and resent the domination of Moscow. The imported officials, unfamiliar with the conditions and psychology of the country, often even ignorant of its language, apply Moscow views to the population with the result of alienating even the more friendly disposed elements." Alexander Berkman, The Bolshevik Myth (London: Hutchinson and Co., 1925), p. 163. See also Emma Goldman, My Disillusionment with Russia (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1923), pp. 211-241.

77 Volin begins his discourse on the Makhnivshchyna in terms that might well have served as an introduction for a nationalist publication: "Relatively cultivated and refined, individualistic and capable of taking the initiative without flinching, jealous of his independence, warlike by tradition, ready to defend himself and accustomed for centuries to feel free and his own master, the Ukrainian was in general never subjugated to that total slavery -- not only of the body but also of the spirit -- which characterized the population of the rest of Russia." Volin, The Unknown, p. 76. Arshinov, p. 41, in discussing the reasons why events in the Ukraine and Russia had taken such different courses, wrote that "A second still more important side in the life of the Ukrainian peasantry and workers (the local, not the alien -- the prishlie) were the traditions of free life retained from bygone times." Despite these introductions, both authors actually proceed to describe the Makhnivshchyna as part of the Russian revolution and Russian anarchism. Arshinov states that: "The Makhnivshchyna is a revolutionary movement of the masses, prepared for by the historical conditions of life of the poorest strata of the Russian peasantry." Arshinov, p. 214. See also pp. 24, 33.

78 One indication of this failure was Makhno's promise that he would republish his memoirs in Ukrainian as soon as a translator could be found, thus indicating the scarcity of culturally Ukrainian anarchists. The memoirs were never published in Ukrainian. Nestor Makhno, "K russko-ukrainskoi rabochei kolonii v Sev. Amerike i Kanade," Delo truda (Paris) No. 29, October, 1927, p. 20. The only translation of Makhno's writings into Ukrainian was his "Zapysky," a short commentary on the movement, in Volia Ukrainy (Newark, N.J.), No. 2, 1923, pp. 2-3.

79 See Vilna hromada (New York, 1922) and Volia Ukrainy (Newark, N.J., 1923). While these groups were not founded by Makhno, they had great respect for the Batko. On October 20, 1923, Arshinov wrote to Volia Ukrainy requesting financial support for the defense of Makhno, who was being tried in Poland for supposedly fomenting disturbances among Ukrainians in Eastern Galicia. Volia Ukrainy (Newark), No. 2, 1923. For an example of their adulation of Makhno, see "Buv chas borotby i na nashom grunti," Volia Ukrainy (Newark), No. 2, 1923.

80 Just how formidable this task was is obvious from reading the article by A. S. "Makhnivshchyna," pp. 105-109. "It appears that, under anarchism, there will be communes of nations: Polish, Ukrainian, Muscovite, that create one great union (association) of nations. But are we Ukrainians sure that the Muscovite commune will give up Ukrainian wheat from the rich fields of the Dnieper-Ukraine, or the Polish commune, Galician oil? No, we are not sure. Imperialism (the tendency to exploit other nations) has been formed in Poles and Muscovites for centuries, this spirit of rule is passed at birth from father to son." (p. 108).

81 Makhno's recognition that knowledge of the Ukrainian language was necessary for any future anarchist work in the Ukraine is confirmed by Mrs. Ida Mett. She writes in a letter of January 7, 1971: "Je me souviens qu'un jour il m'a dit que s'il retourne en Ukraine un jour, il faudrait sans doute apprendre la langue ukrainienne tout simplement comme necessite." Mrs. Mett's commentary lends support to the possibility that perception of new realities, and not an active self-identification as a Ukrainian, was the cause of Makhno's Ukrainianism in his memoirs.

82 Makhno II, pp. 153-154.

83 Makhno II, pp. 134-135.

84 Makhno II, pp. 121.

85 For a discussion of Shapiro's attacks on Makhno for anti-Semitism, see "Dlia chego sushchestvuet anarkhicheskaia pressa," Probuzhdenie (Detroit), No. 14, November, 1930, p. 62.

86 Makhno II, p. 100. He also uses this tactic in describing a conversation with the anarchist Lev Chernyi. He reports that they discussed the anarchist movement in the Ukraine, "which he never recognized and called the 'South of Russia'." Makhno II, p. 96.