CONTENTS.

PREFACE

GENERAL INTRODUCTION
-- This book deals with the general character of slavery as an industrial system.
-- We confine ourselves to the phenomena of savage life.
-- The object of ethnology is not only to reconstruct the early history of mankind, but to find sociological laws.
-- Bearing of the results of ethnological investigation upon the study of social phenomena in general.
-- Our method: inductive and comparative.
-- Ethnographical literature.
-- This literature may not be used without a thorough criticism.
-- "Statistical method".
-- The facts must serve as a basis whereupon to found theories, not as mere illustrations of preconceived theories.
-- But we cannot do without leading ideas.
-- We treat one subject thoroughly instead of many subjects superficially.
-- Writers on the goneral history of slavery.

PART I. - DESCRIPTIVE.

CHAPTER I.
-- DEFINITION AND DISTINCTION FROM KINDRED PHENOMENA.

§ 1. Ordinary meaning of the term "slavery"
-- It is necessary to know this meaning of the term, as both ethnographers and theorists use it in this sense.
-- "Slavery of women" and "wage-slaves".
-- Three characteristics of slavery.

§ 2. Use of the term "slavery" in theoretical literature
-- Theorists agree that the chief characteristic of slavery consists in this, that the slave is the "property" or "possession" of his master.

§ 3. Definition for scientific use
-- We want a sociologically practical definition.
-- The function of slavery is a division of labour.
-- Voluntary and compulsory labour.
-- The slave the property or his master and compelled to work.
-- "Property" implies compulsory labor.
-- Our definition. Its advantages.

§ 4. Distinction of slavery from kindred phenomena. I Wives in an abject condition
-- "Slavery of women" as spoken of by ethnographers and theorists .
-- Condition of women among the Australian aborigines. Bad, but not so much so as has sometimes been supposed.
-- Division of labour between the sexes not always so unreasonable as at first sight it seems.
-- Wives in an abject condition show much resemblance to slaves, but are not slaves, as their chief function is that of wives and mothers.
-- Slavery proper does not exist when there are none but female slaves.

§ 5. Distinction of slavery from kindred phenomena, II Children subjected to the head of the family
-- Treatment of children among savages; Dr. Steinmetz's investigations
-- Patria potestas and potestas dominica.
-- Children, though entirely subjected to their father, are not slaves, as they occupy quite another place in the social system.
-- Adopted children sometimes difficult to distinguish from slaves.
-- Slavery only exists beyond the limits of the family proper.

§ 6. Distinction of slavery from kindred phenomena. III Members of a society in their relation to the head of the community
-- The subjects "slaves of the king".
-- A king has never a right of property over his subjects.
-- Penal servitude occurs in many countries where slavery does not exist.
-- "Property" better than "possession".

§ 7. Distinction of slavery from kindred phenomena. IV Subjected tribes; tributary provinces; lower classes; free labourers
-- "Slave tribes" and "slave districts" inappropriate names for tribes subjected en bloc and tributary districts.
-- Lower classes. The lack of details sometimes prevents us from determining, whether a labouring class consists of free labourers or slaves.

§ 8. Distinction of slavery from kindred phenomena. V Serfs
-- Serfdom in Germany.
-- In France.
-- In Rome (colonatus).
-- Opinions of theorists.
-- Serfs are not slaves, because they are not the property, in the sense of Roman law, of their masters.

§ 9. Pawns or debtor-slaves
-- The slave-state of pawns is conditional.
-- Pawns are not in a legal sense the property of their masters; but we may call them slaves, as they take the same place as other slaves in the social system.

CHAPTER II.
-- GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVERY

§ 1. Introduction
-- It is not so easy as at first sight it seems, to ascertain the existence or non-existence of slavery in every particular case.
-- Our method.
-- 1. What if slavery is stated to exist?
-- 2. What if slavery is stated to be absent?
-- 3. What if our authorities are silent on the subject?
-- We confine ourselves to savages.
-- Civilized and semi-civilised influence.
-- Geographical groups.
-- "Positive" and "negative cases".
-- Use of the past and present tense.

§ 2. North America
-- 1. Eskimos.
-- 2. Nootka group.
-- 3. Tinneh group.
-- 4. Algonquin group.
-- 5. Iroquois group.
-- 6. Choctaw-Muskoghe group.
-- 7. Dacotah group.
-- 8. Oregon group.
-- 9. Californians.
-- 10. New Mexicans.
-- Negro slavery among the Indians.

§ 3. Central and South America

§ 4. Australia

§ 5. Melanesia

§ 6. Polynesia

§ 7. Micronesia

§ 8. Malay Archipelago
-- I Malay Peninsula.
-- II Sumatra and neighbouring islands.
-- III Borneo.
-- IV Celebes.
-- V Little Sunda islands and Moluccas.
-- VI Philippines.
-- VII Madagascar.
-- Semi-civilized Malay peoples.

§ 9. Indo-Chinese Peninsula

§ 10. India, Afghanistan, Himalaya

§ 11. Central Asia

§ 12. Siberia

§ 13. Caucasus

§ 14. Arabia

§ 15. Africa. A. Bantu tribes
-- 1. Caffres.
-- 2. South-West Bantus.
-- 3. East African Bantus.
-- 4. Tribes on the Congo and in Lower Guinea.
-- 5. Natives of theWahuma states.

§ 16. Africa. B. Soudan Negroes
-- 1. Coast of Guinea.
-- 2. Haussa states.
-- 3. Central Soudan.
-- 4. Upper Nile.
-- Appendix: African Islands.

§ 17. Africa, C. Light-coloured South Africans and African pigmy-tribes

§ 18. Africa. D. Hamitic peoples

§ 19. Recapitulation

PART II.
-- THEORETICAL.

CHAPTER I.
-- METHOD AND DIVISIONS.

§ 1. Method
-- Stages of culture; Morgan's and Vierkandt's classifications.
-- Distinction of savages according to their general culture as yet impracticable.
-- Assertions abont slavery being universal at some stages of culture.
-- The exitence of slavery probably mainly depends on the economic state of society.
-- Opinions of theorists concerning slavery at several stages of economic life.

§ 2. Distinction of economic groups
-- We shall inquire next how many positive and negative cases there are in different economic groups.
-- We shall not give an ascending series of economic stages. Dargun's view.
-- Our groups.
-- 1. Hunting and fishing.
-- 2. Pastoral nomads.
-- 3, 4, 5. Agriculture. Principle according to which the 3 agricultural groups will be distinguished.
-- Trading and cattle-breeding agriculturists

§ 3. Hunting and fishing, pastoral, and agricultural tribes in the several geographical districts
-- Our list gives no evidence as to the economic state of the geographical groups.
-- List.

CHAPTER II.
-- HUNTERS AND FISHERS.

§ 1. Why slaves are not of much use to hunters
-- List of positive and negative cases.
-- The large prevalence of negative cases must be due to general causes.
-- Scarcity of food.
-- Hunting slaves can easily escape.
-- Living in small groups.
-- Hunting not fit to be performed by slaves because 1. hunters are highly esteemed.
-- 2. hunting requires the utmost application.
-- Hunters and industrial peoples.
-- Why hunters do not keep slaves performing female labour.

§ 2. The slave-keeping tribes of the Pacific Coast of North America
-- Fishing not nearly so unfavourable to the oxistence of slavery as hunting.
-- Most of our positive cases are found on the North Pacific Coast of North America.
-- Circumstances which may account for the existence of slavery on the Pacific Coast.
-- 1. Abundance of food.
-- 2. Fishing the chief source of subsistence. Variety of food.
-- 3. Fixed habitations, living in large groups, preserving of food.
-- 4. Trade and industry.
-- 5. Property and wealth.
-- The growth of slavery accelerated by these tribes forming a somewhat homogeneous group.
-- Work imposed on slaves.
-- 1. They strengthen their masters' force in warfare.
-- 2. They are employed in hunting, fishing, and work connected with fishing.
-- 3. They make canoes and build houses.
-- 4. They perform domestic labour.
-- Why female labour is so highly valued.
-- Women prepare the articles of commerce.
-- Women hold a high position.
-- Dr. Grosse on the condition of women among "higher hunters".
-- Slavory among the Abipones.
-- Tehuelches.
-- Kam-chadales.

§ 3. Experimentum crucis: Australia
-- We want to prove that the circumstances furthering slavery on the Pacific Coast of N. America are wanting among the other hunters and fishers.
-- We confine ourselves to the three great groups: Australians, Indians of Central North America, and Eskimos.
-- Aboriginal life in Australia.
-- 1. No abundance of food.
-- 2. Variety of food. Fishing not the chief source of subsistence.
-- 3. No fixed habitations, small groups, little food preserved. Improvidence of the Australians.
-- 4. Trade and industry not highly developed.
-- 5. Property and wealth play no great part.
-- 6. Condition of women bad.
-- 7. Militarism does not prevail to any great extent.
-- Conclusion.

§ 4. Experimentum crucis: Central North America
-- 1. No great abundance of food.
-- 2. They live chiefly by hunting.
-- 3. No fixed habitations, rather small groups, food preserved though not to such an extent as on the Pacific Coast.
-- 4. Trade and industry signify little.
-- 6. Property and wealth are little developed.
-- 6. Condition of women better than in Australia, but not so good as on the Pacific Coast.
-- 7. War very frequent.
-- Conclusion.

§ 5. Experimentum crucis: Eskimos
-- 1. No great abundance of food.
-- 2. Fishing their chief source of subsistence.
-- 3. Fixed habitations, groups not very large, food preserved though not in such great quantities as on the Pacific Coast.
-- 4. The trade exists almost exclusively in exchanging raw products. Industry highly developed.
-- 5. Property and wealth do not signify much.
-- 6. Condition of women not so good as on the Pacific Coast.
-- 7. Militarism does not prevail to any considerable extent.
-- Only highly skilled labour wanted.
-- Labour dependent upon capital.

§ 6. Conclusion
-- Enumeration of the conclusions to which the foregoing paragraphs have led us.
-- It seems convenient to systematically arrange them.
-- Principal factors: 1. Subsistence is or is not dependent on capital, 2. Subsistence is either easy or difficult to acquire.
-- Secondary factors:
-- 1. Condition of women.
-- 2. Preserving of food.
-- 3. Trade and industry.
-- Militarism.
-- External causes: 1. Fixed habitations, 2. Large groups, 3. Preserving of food, 4. Existence of a homogeneous group of tribes.
-- Recapitulation.

CHAPTER III.
-- PASTORAL TRIBES.

§ 1. Capital and labour among pastoral tribes
-- List of positive and negative cases.
-- Non-existence of slavery not due to an isolated or powerless state of the tribes concerned.
-- Can the positive cases be accounted for by the existence of agriculture among some pastoral tribes?
-- Survey of slave labour among pastoral tribes,
-- and cattle-breeding agriculturists.
-- Slaves not only kept for agricultural purposes.
-- Among true pastoral tribes slavery, as a system of labour, is of little moment.
-- Subsistence among pastoral tribes entirely dependent on capital.
-- Wealth and poverty. Free labourers very frequent.
-- The same may be observed among cattle-breeding agriculturists.
-- The characteristic of pastoral life is not the existence of wealth, but of poverty.
-- Pastoral life does not require much labour; the men are often very lazy.
-- Among the Larbas pastoral life is not so easy; but it is warriors who are wanted here, rather than labourers.
-- In North-east Africa subjection of tribes en bloc serves as a substitute for slavery.
-- The same is the case among some pastoral tribes outside North-east Africa.

§ 2. Slavery among pastoral tribes
-- We have still to account for the positive cases. We shall first investigate the influence of secondary internal causes.
-- 1. Slaves sometimes perform domestic, i.e. female labour.
-- 2. Preserving of food has no influence.
-- 3. Slavery does not seem to serve commercial purposes.
-- 4. Slaves are often employed in warfare. Pastoral tribes live in rather small, independent groups; this, together with their warlike habits, makes reinforcement of the family desirable.
-- Slaves are also kept as a luxury.
-- Slaves preferred to free servants.
-- What is the difference between the Slave-keeping and the other pastoral tribes?
-- The difference consists in external circumstances, of which the principal are the slave-trade and the neighbourhood of inferior races.
-- Pastoral tribes are in a state of equilibrium; a small additional circumstance turns the balance.
-- Recapitulation.

CHAPTER IV.
-- AGRICULTURAL TRIBES.

§ 1. Numbers of positive and negative cases in the three agricultural groups.

§ 2. Development of agricultural and development of slavery
-- Slavery considerably more frequent among agriculturists of the higher stages than among hunting agriculturists.
-- Hunting agriculturists bear a strong resemblance to hunters.
-- Yet many hunting agriculturists keep slaves; this will have to be accounted for by secondary causes.
-- Slavery does not appear to be more frequent among fishing than among hunting agriculturists.

§ 3. Capital and labour among agricultural tribes
-- Where agriculture is carried on without the aid of domestic animals, subsistence does not depend on capital.
-- One apparent exception.
-- Agriculture does not require any peculiar skill.
-- Compulsion the only means, in primitive agricultural societies, of getting labourers.
-- Adam Smith's view
-- Difference on cultivation by slaves and by peasant proprietors.
-- Cairnes' position does not hold with regard to primitive slavery.
-- "Retail" and "wholesale slavery".

§ 4. Land and population
-- The general rule of the last paragraph does not obtain where all land has been appropriated.
-- Cairnes' view.
-- Here again Cairnes' argument does not apply to primitive slavery.
-- Loria'a argument.
-- Loria's reasoning is not correct in all dutails, but in the main he is right.
-- Wakefield's argument derived from the conditions of life in the colonies.
-- Merivale on colonization.
-- Wo shall only speak of self-dependent agricultural countries.
-- Meaning of "appropriation".
-- Criteria from which we may infer whether all land has been appropriated.
-- Meaning of "land fit for cultivation".
-- We shall coniine ourselves to a survey of land tenure in Oceania.
-- Slavery in Oceania has never prevailed to any great extent. We shall try to account for this by all land having been appropriated.

§ 5. Land tenure in Polynesia
-- On most Polynesian islands all land has, or had been appropriated. In Samoa, New Zealand and Savage Island there was still free land. Manahiki is a doubtful case.

§ 6. Land tenure in Micronesia
-- Almost everywhere in Micronesia all land is held as property. Mortlock is perhaps an exception.

§ 7. Land tenure in Melanesia
-- On most of the Melanesian islands clearing is a modus acguirendi, which proves that there is still free land. In Fiji all land has been appropriated.

§ 8. Landlords, tenants and labourers in Oceania
-- Wherever in Oceania all land is held as property, there are nearly always people destitute of land.
-- The principal cause of this fact is probably the arbitrary conduct of chiefs and nobles, who appropriate the land of their enemies,
-- and even that belonging to their own subjects.
-- Condition of the lowest classes destitute ot land. They perform the drudgery for the landlords, and are sometimes heavily oppressed.
-- In Melanesia there are no subjected lower classes, except in Fiji.
-- Subjected lower classes exist nearly always where all land is held as property, and are not found where there is still free land.
-- In some parts of Oceania the great depopulation has enabled many of the lower orders to obtain land.
-- The labouring classes of Oceania are not attached to the soil, but, being destitute of laud, are obliged to apply to the landlords for employment.
-- Position of foreigners.
-- Over-population.
-- Skilled labourers are in a much better position and sometimes held in high esteem.
-- Oceanic labourers as compared with debtor-slaves: the former are compelled to work for others by circumstances, the latter by social regulations.
-- The state of labourers in Oceania would even be worse, but that they are employed in warfare.

§ 9. Transition from serfdom to freedom in Western Europa
-- Our theory must also hold with regard to civilized countries: as soon as all land is held as property slavery must disappear.
-- Wakefield's opinion.
-- We shall not enter into a thorough investigation of this subject.
-- We limit our remarks to England and Germany.
-- Slavery in Western Europe.
-- Our argument applies to serfdom as well an slavery, for serfdom too is a system of compulsory labour.
-- Serfs and free tenants; Freizügigheit.
-- Inaccurate use of the term "free tenants".
-- Commutation of services for money not identical with transition from serfdom to freedom.
-- Hildebrand's theory: natural economy leads to serfdom, money economy leads to freedom.
-- Why this theory is erroneous.
-- Hildebrands' theory has been accepted by several writers.

§ 10. The rural classes of medieval England
-- In the 11th century land was still abundant and servile labour prevailed; rent in the modern sense and free labourers dependent on wages were wanting.
-- During the 12th and 13th centuries the population increased and land became more scarce. Disafforesting controversy. Free tenants. Commutation. The landlords become mere receivers of rent instead of agricultural entrepreneurs. Free labourers.
-- The Black Death of 1349. Labour becomes scarce, much land goes out of tillage. Oppression of villeins by landlords. Assessment of wages. The stock and land lease.
-- 1450-1550. Rise of sheep farming. Disastrous consequences: labourers thrown out of employment, commons and holdings of villeins inclosed and appropriated by the lords, depopulation, rise of pauperism.
-- Disappearance of serfdom. Copyhold.
-- Conclusion.

§ 11. The rural classes of medieval Germany
-- Merovingian period. Most of the land is covered with forests. A few slaves and lites; most cultivators are peasant proprietors.
-- Carolingian period. Much, land is taken into cultivation, yet land remains abundant. Absorption of the free peasants by the great proprietors; rise of serfdom and manorial economy. "Freemen destitute of land".
-- 10th-12th centuries. Rise in the value of land. Tho whole of the population can still secure land to live upon. The class of peasant proprietors disappears. The use of labour becomes less. Free tenants arise, but free labourers are still wanting.
-- 13th and 14th centuries. Extension of tho arable area. More value than before is attached to uncultivated land. Rights of common restricted. Scarcity of meat. The use of labour continues diminishing. Lords set serfs free in their own interest. Bauernlegen. Free tenants. Obligations become territorial. Free servants and agricultural labourers.
-- 15th century. Over-population. Reappearance of slavery (?).
-- 16th century. Evictions.
-- Serfdom in Eastern Germany. Conclusion.

§ 12. Open and closed resources
-- Slavery, as an industrial system, is not likely to exist where subsistence depends on material resources which are present in limited quantity.
-- All the peoples of the earth can be divided into peoples with open, and with closed resources. Definition of these terms. Generally speaking, among the formor only can a system of compulsory labour (slavery or serfdom) exist.
-- Savages with open and with closed resources.
-- Closed resources in present Western Europe.
-- Lange on open and closed countries.
-- Regarding socondary causes we shall not enter into many details.

§ 13. Condition of women
-- Slaves often perform domestic, i. e. female labour. Compare Rome and Mohammedan countries.
-- Domestic labour is not probably among any agricultural tribe the chief business of all slaves.
-- Slaves help the women in agricultural labour.
-- "Slavery of women".
-- Melanesian women held in a slave-like state.
-- Though the absence of slavery is porhaps one of the causes ot this subjection of women, the latter again prevents the rise of slavery.

§ 14. Commerce
-- Numbers of positive and negative cases among commercial agricultural tribes.
-- Tho term "commercial tribes" used in a wide sense.
-- Commerce furthers the slave-trade, requires more work than would otherwise be wanted, and renders development of wealth possible.
-- The last point is very important. Luxury arises: the wants of the slave-owners, and accordingly the use of slave labour, become practically unlimited.
-- "Wholesale" slavery" in the United Statat and among some tribes of Africa and India.
-- We know little as yet of the general effects of trade.
-- Manufactured goods and raw products.
-- Three categories of commercial tribes.
-- Significance of trade.

§ 15. Slaves employed in warfare
-- Instances.
-- Slaves are generally excluded from military pursuits.
-- Causes.
-- Only among some agriculturists of the higher stages are slaves in warfare.
-- The coercive power of hunting agriculturists is not great enough to admit of the employment of slaves in warfare.
-- Where political institutions are more highly developedj employment of slaves in the army becomes practicable.
-- Military function of slaves in ancient Rome.
-- Slaves holding high offices of state.

§ 16. Slaves kept as a luxury
-- The possession of many slaves is indicative of wealth and therefore considered an honour.
-- Slaves and cattle almost the only luxury of primitive times.
-- But this does not prove that slaves are a mere luxury.
-- In many countries part of the slaves are not productively employed,
-- bnt we have not found any instance of none of the slaves being employed for productive labour.

§ 17. Other secondary internal causes
-- Preserving of food as a circumstance furthering the growth of slavery calls for no special remark here.
-- Subjection of tribes does not seem to occur outside Oceania, except among cattle-breeding agriculturists.
-- The reason is the insufficiency of the military power of agricultural savages.

§ 18. External causes, especially the slave-trade. Recapitulation
-- Fixed habitations, living in large groups, and preserving of food call for no remark here.
-- The slave-trade. Geographical survey.
-- Most slave-keeping agricultural savages are found in those parts where the slave-trade has been carried on by civilized and semi-civilized peoples.
-- These savages could not have adopted slavery, if it were inconsistent with their mode of life.
-- Effect of the slave-trade: it makes the keeping of slaves much easier, and breaks the vis inertiae.
-- Vicinity of inferior races does not seem to have any considerable influence here.
-- Recapitulation of the causes of slavery among agricultural tribes.

CHAPTER V.
-- CONCLUSION.

§ 1. General survey
-- Internal and external causes.
-- Principal internal cause hindering the growth of slavery, the dependence of subsistence upon closed resources.
-- Compulsory as opposed to voluntary labour.
-- Why in modern Europe labourers are not held as property.
-- Personal and impersonal compulsion.
-- Tho working classes of modern Europe.
-- Slavery cannot exist, oven where resources are open, if subsistence is very difficult to acquire.
-- Secondary internal causes. Condition of women.
-- Commerce.
-- Subjection of tribes.
-- Preserving of food.
-- Militarism.
-- Luxury.
-- External causes. Fixed habitations.
-- Living in large groups.
-- Preserving of food.
-- The slave-trade.
-- The neighbourhood of inferior races.
-- General recapitulation.

§ 2. Outlines of a further investigation of the early history of slavery
-- I The different ways in which people become slaves.
-- II The different Ways in which people cease to be slaves.
-- III Treatment of slaves by their masters.
-- IV Legal status of slaves.
-- V The attitude of public opinion towards slaves.
-- VI Different kinds of slaves.
-- VII Slave labour.
-- VIII Serfdom.
-- IX Number of slaves.
-- X Happiness or unhappiness of slaves.
-- XI Consequences of slavery.
-- XII Development of slavery.

LIST OF AUTHORITIES

Map: Distribution of slavery in primitive cultures

SUBJECT-INDEX