William Ogilvie, The Right of Property in Land, 1781.
SECTION IV
Of Public Institutions calculated for promoting a gradual and salutary Change in the state of Property in Land.63. As a subsidiary help to all those regulations which might be devised for promoting the prosperity of the lower classes, and, in particular, the independence of the plough, it would not ill become the wisdom of an attentive government to appoint a special Board, intrusted (under strict account) with the management of considerable sums, to be applied for this essential purpose, in the following or any other plan of like effect:
To purchase such estates exposed to sale, as might be had at a reasonable value (suppose from twenty-five to thirty years' purchase) and to divide them into small farms of a single plough only, to be given off in perpetual property for a full reserved rent. The loss that would be incurred in this transaction might be greatly diminished by selling off these reserved rents, with all the privileges of a landlord, to persons desirous of the best security without the trouble of managing a land estate. The purchaser to have a right of distraining the produce of the soil, together with collateral security on the funds of the Board, and the same facility of transferring his property at any time, and suddenly, by an assignation in their books, which the proprietors of stock in the public funds of Britain now have. With these advantages, it may be presumed, that such reserved rents would be purchased eagerly by the timorous and the indolent, and probably sell at an advanced value, so as to reduce the loss on the whole transaction, to two or three years' purchase money of the estate. The money thus refunded to be immediately employed in similar purchases; in making which, estates of a large extent, inhabited by a numerous and poor peasantry, ought to be preferred to others of equal rent-roll. Estates situated in islands, or along the sea coast, might likewise deserve preference; because, for the sake of navigation and fisheries, it concerns the interests of the community at large, that the common people in insular or maritime situations should be brought into that state which is most favourable to their increase of population, and their thriving. As the operations of such a Board would tend to enhance the value of land when brought to sale, the establishment, it may be thought, would be acceptable enough to the great body of landholders.
To such a Board might be committed the office of furnishing to the tenantry of estates exposed to sale such assistance as they might stand in need of to enable them to complete their schemes of a joint purchase, founded on their right of redemption.
To the same Board might likewise be committed the inspection of all lands devised and assigned to hospitals, universities, and any other public or charitable foundations, with a view to prevent that private abuse and peculation, which too generally take place in the management of such funds, when they are in a flourishing condition, and more than sufficient for carrying into execution the original intention of the founder. In these cases, the Board, having first laid a satisfactory proof of such redundance before the supreme tribunals of justice, should be authorized to interfere, and to turn this superfluity to the greatest advantage of the public, by dividing the lands belonging to such foundations into separate allotments of a single plough each, and giving them away in complete property for a reserved rent.
The charitable foundations of one age may become superfluous, nay, pernicious, in those that follow, as the numerous hospitals and almsgivings of the Italian cities are justly considered as no small obstruction to the industry of their common people; and for various reasons, it cannot be unfit that the legislature of every country should exercise a constant and supreme control over all such establishments; yet directed by a scrupulous observance of the original intention of the founder, excepting where it is no longer fit that these intentions should be fulfilled; in all which cases, the produce of the funds ought to be religiously applied to those public uses and charitable occasions which, it may be supposed, the munificent spirit of the founders would have disposed them, had they lived in the present times, to patronize and prefer.
That bill which was brought into the British Parliament some years ago for enabling the governors of hospitals, and the trustees of other charitable foundations, to place in the public funds the estates intrusted to their care, seems to have been meant as a very gentle attempt to apply the redundant opulence of such establishments to the support of public credit and the general advantage of the State. It was an attempt entirely consonant to the best principles of national interest and of legislative superintendence, nor could that vehement dislike by which the bill was rendered abortive have arisen solely from public considerations, unless inflamed by the patronage of jobbing and secret peculation.
64. It is not wholly in vain that premiums have been distributed for the encouragement of various improvements in agriculture and the arts. Great effects cannot be expected to result from them, but a general notification at least is made to the public of those things which speculative men of enlarged views conceive to be most advantageous and practicable. Trials made in different places and under a variety of circumstances ensue: and examples are exhibited, by which the advantages and disadvantages of the proposed improvements are subject to general examination, in almost every corner; and other methods perhaps are suggested, more profitable on the whole, or better adapted to particular situations.
Trials and examples, it is presumed, are alone wanting to recommend the general participation of property in land to the favourable opinion and wishes of all ranks of men. In such examples, the landholders might perceive how small a part of their privileges and emoluments need to be given up, for promoting this, the greatest public good of the community, and what new advantages will spring up in compensation for those relinquished. The rulers of nations might perceive how much they are like to increase the numbers, and improve the character and virtues of their people; and the common people themselves can, from such examples alone, be taught to know what improvement their humble condition may receive, and with what ardour they ought to endeavour to attain it.
With a view to produce such examples in different parts of a wide country, the same plan might be adopted, which in matters of far less importance has been pursued with no inconsiderable success. A great premium, either honorary or lucrative, might be held forth to the nobleman or commoner of a certain ample fortune, or possessing land estates of a certain great extent, who should within ten years establish the greatest number, not less than two hundred cultivators, settled in farms, from twenty to forty acres, held in freehold; or by leases of long duration, three or four different forms of which might be proposed, as equally admissible. Less considerable premiums, yet such as only the treasury or the public honours of the community could furnish, might be offered to persons of different inferior degrees of estate for proportional establishments. Since such rewards and such marks of public approbation have been held forth for the cultivation of the best sorts of grain, and other profitable crops, why should it be accounted preposterous to appoint suitable premiums, if such can be found, for rearing and increasing the best sort of citizens, that virtuous and laborious class of men, of whom the severe Roman has said with delight that they are viri fortissimi -- milites strenuissimi -- & minime male cogitantes?